Brexit: Are we about to return to a ‘hard’ Irish Border?

On the question of the border between the Republic and Northern Ireland, Mr Tusk said: "We will seek flexible and creative solutions aiming at avoiding a hard border between Northern Ireland and Ireland. It is of crucial importance to support the peace process in Northern Ireland”. Remember this? A lot has happened since then but Mr Tusk’s comments were reported by the Guardian during their analysis of the EU’s draft negotiation guidelines.

His comments sound very straightforward, logical, and reasonable. Surely no one wants to see a return to the Troubles of the twentieth century in Ireland. However, can it (and more importantly will it) be so easy to continue with the frictionless border that Irishmen enjoy today?

The main issue in my eyes is the EU. Not because of the age-old arguments advocated by leave supporters, but because of the history of Ireland and its relationship with Britain. Why should the EU know every detail of the relationship’s checkered past? Do we know every detail of Spain’s internal disputes with Catalonia for example?

But the difference is that Spain isn’t leaving the EU and leaving an independent Catalonia inside. But the UK will be leaving the EU and leaving an independent Ireland inside. Therein lies the problem.

It wasn’t until 1998 that relative peace was finally brought to Northern Ireland. It can be argued the troubles started well over a century before that. But for almost 20 years now, Northern Ireland has enjoyed relative peace and stability. The Good Friday agreement was the product of years of inching forward and de-escalating tensions that had risen to such great heights over previous decades that they seemed insurmountable. The power-sharing executive gave a lesson to the whole Western world in institutionalised brinkmanship, where even the bitterest rivals could sit around the table and make decisions for the common good of the country which, unfortunately, is a rare commodity in modern day politics.

However, the vote on June 23^rd has put that progress in serious danger. Yes, the collapse of the executive in Northern Ireland in January was not directly down to Brexit. But it is undeniable that it played a part in Sinn Fein pulling the plug on the executive, as it sensed the potential opportunity to push for a united Ireland inside the EU.

But having said all that, do the EU really understand what’s at stake? Do they understand the raw emotion that will be stirred up in Irishmen at the sight of a return to border checks? These checkpoints epitomise the fact that Ireland is not united. They are a constant and stark physical reminder that the country is divided. It will almost feel as if the country has been divided all over again and it’s hard to disagree with that feeling. But it won’t just be the raw emotion that is stirred, it will be the religious, social and historical feelings and arguments coming to the fore once again.

The physical division of Catholics and Protestants will once again be shown, through the fact that it will be predominately Catholics south of the physical border, whilst predominately Protestants north of it. Not only this, but the social issues will again come to the fore. It may be that living on the current ‘soft’ border means that the closest shop is over the border. Imagine the sheer impracticality of waiting to be allowed across the border in order to do the weekly shop. It will be the small things like this that will infuriate ordinary Irishmen both sides of the border into potentially considering the lure of Sinn Fein’s united Ireland dream.

Both perhaps the most important factor of a return to a ‘hard’ border will be the historical significance. Both Unionists and Nationalists have made great strides over the previous decades in making Ireland work under political division. The co-operation between the Unionists and Nationalists in Stormont, as well as the London and Dublin Governments is sensational when you consider the events of around a century ago. But all this is at risk if the EU do not understand exactly what a return to a ‘hard’ border would mean for Ireland.

To return to my original point, the reason I say I am most concerned about the EU’ s response to the issue is because I would hope that history has taught whatever party that wins the election on June 8^th that Ireland is not a playground in which to play politics in and that the slightest mis-placed comment could cause serious social disorder.  Therefore, I am hoping that whoever is PM will embark on attempting to find creative and concrete solutions to avoid a return to a ‘hard’ border in Ireland.

My concern is that the Governments of the remaining 27 nations may not understand or worse, may not care for the peace in Ireland. It may just be regarded as one more barrier in the negotiations; just one more thing that the remaining states and the UK do not agree on. But Ireland is more than that. Not only for the UK and the EU but for Ireland itself.

The Irish question has come so far in recent history; almost to an extent where it seemed both sides were finally content with the status quo. However, Brexit has thrown a real spanner in the works.

If Brexit is to be successful in my eyes, it won’t only have provided the UK with the ability to fully regain its sovereignty whilst building towards a brighter economic future, it will have also maintained a very precious and hard fought peace in a seemingly and increasingly marginalised part of the UK. It is sometimes forgotten that Northern Ireland remains part of the UK and that the Republic played such a key part in shaping modern British political history.

Let’s hope we aren’t given a history lesson in Ireland in the coming years because whatever new freedoms are won from Brexit, the potential chaos in Ireland will make them look like a drop in the ocean and unfortunately, not worth it.